Chris Perry, Author

Tag: Eastern Army

  • The Battle of Sekigahara

    The Battle of Sekigahara

    Though the Battle of Sekigahara is often used as a convenient end point for the Sengoku Jidai, the final Battle was part of a campaign across Japan between the Western Forces, now led by Ishida Mitsunari, and the Eastern Forces, who followed Tokugawa Ieyasu.

    Ishida Mitsunari, leader of the Western Forces.

    The first blow had fallen at Fushimi Castle, garrisoned by troops loyal to Ieyasu, which had fallen in early August, but fighting had also broken out elsewhere in the realm, as forces loyal to both sides sought strategic advantage and settled a few old scores. Each side had its share of victories and setbacks, with various battles and sieges occurring throughout Japan.

    Mori Terumoto, despite nominally being the commander of the Western Army, dispatched forces against Ieyasu’s supporters in Kyushu and Shikoku, whilst the Date clan, loyal to Ieyasu, attacked the Uesugi in northern Japan. As might be expected in a war between East and West, some of the heaviest fighting was in central Japan, and it was here that Eastern forces would have the better of it.

    Oda Hidenobu. His lands ended up trapped between the forces of East and West.

    Despite stiff resistance from Oda Hidenobu (Nobunaga’s grandson), Eastern forces crossed the strategically important Kiso River and defeated a counterattack at Komeno. They then took Takegahana Castle, opening the way for them to lay siege to Hidenobu’s base at Gifu Castle, a fortress that Western forces had expected to hold out, but which fell in a single, bloody day.

    The Eastern army didn’t have it all their own way; a Western attack on Tsu Castle in modern-day Mie Prefecture overwhelmed the badly outnumbered garrison. Though this Battle would ultimately prove to have a relatively minor effect on the overall outcome, it is perhaps best remembered for the account of the life of the lord of Tsu castle, Tomita Nobutaka, being saved by the timely intervention of a warrior described as being “beautiful and martial, hearing of the urgency of the situation, went out alone on horseback, their armor and helmet brilliant, spirited and courageous…” This warrior turned out to be Nobutaka’s wife.

    Tomita Nobutaka is rescued by his wife.

    Despite this defeat, the strategic initiative began to shift towards the Eastern forces throughout August and September. Some later sources place the blame for this on Ishida Mitsunari; he was criticised for being slow to respond after the fall of Gifu, though some scholars have defended him, arguing that no one had expected the formidable fortress to fall in a single day, and Mitsunari had had to deal with widely scattered forces of variable loyalty.

    Another figure who may have played a part in undermining Western Forces was Mori Terumoto. Though he was nominally the commander in chief, he limited himself to campaigning in Shikoku and Kyushu, and it was revealed after the campaign was over that there had been a secret agreement between Ieyasu and the Mori, promising to allow the Mori to keep their lands in exchange for not fighting too hard, leading some to speculate that Mori forces were deliberately ‘pulling their punches’.

    Mori Terumoto. Despite his strength, historians suggest he deliberately held his forces back after making a deal with Ieyasu.

    Regardless of the reasons, by October, both sides were heading towards a decisive confrontation. On October 20th, Ieyasu’s advanced forces arrived at Akasaka, near Mitsunari’s base at Ogaki Castle (in the modern city of the same name). It was said that the sight of Ieyasu’s forces arriving en masse led to a sharp decline in morale amongst the Western forces, with some simply deserting.

    Recognising the severity of the situation, Mitsunari’s chief retainer, Shima Kiyoki, led a surprise attack on the advancing Eastern Army, winning a small tactical victory, which did much to boost Western morale, though it would prove to be their last success. The next day, Ieyasu marched the bulk of his forces to Sekigahara.

    Shima Kiyoki. His ambush of Eastern forces on the day before Sekigahara would prove to be the last victory for the West.

    Given how significant the Battle would prove to be, it might surprise you to learn that the exact course of events has never been completely established. The main reason for this is that there are dozens of second-hand sources written by people who ‘heard’ about what happened but were actually there. Even among the first-hand sources, there are conflicting accounts, as various figures seek either to associate themselves more closely with the victory or to distance themselves from the defeat, for reasons ranging from political considerations to personal pride.

    The sources broadly agree that the two sides crashed into each other at around 8am, their approaches hidden by early-morning fog, and that the Battle of Sekigahara began almost by accident. After some initial skirmishes, both sides withdrew and regrouped. The fighting lasted most of the morning, and sources seem to agree that it was a fairly evenly matched affair until late morning, when a large section of the Western army under the command of Kobayawaka Hideaki switched sides and attacked the vulnerable flank of his former allies, putting them to flight.

    A later depiction of Kobayakawa Hideaki being tormented by the ghosts of those he betrayed. Some sources suggest that Hideaki drank himself to death at the age of just 21, supposedly from guilt.

    Though the betrayal is a historical fact, the exact reasons remain unclear. Some sources suggest that Hideaki had made a deal with Ieyasu beforehand, either promising not to fight or to indeed switch sides, whilst others state that it was a spur-of-the-moment decision, born of fear of defeat or naked opportunism.

    There is also disagreement over how much Ieyasu knew about the betrayal before the fact; some sources tell us that he was waiting for Hideaki to launch his attack, while some reports suggest that Ieyasu ordered his forces to open fire on Hideaki, though whether this was to force his decision or because he wasn’t aware of Hideaki’s betrayal is disputed.

    Guns of the type used at Sekigahara.
    Rama – Rama, CC BY-SA 2.0 fr, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=2176826による

    Regardless of his reasons or Ieyasu’s foreknowledge, the betrayal was the decisive moment, and by midday, the Western Army was routed and fleeing from the field. In the days that followed, Ieyasu and his vassals conducted what would be termed ‘mopping up’ in modern times, rounding up those who could be captured, laying siege to numerous castles, and generally consolidating the victory.

    Those who had betrayed the Eastern army were then tasked with capturing Ishida Mitsunari’s base at Sawayama Castle, which fell after a few days, resulting in the deaths (in Battle or by suicide) of most of Mitsunari’s family. The man himself had already fled, and Ieyasu placed a high priority on his capture, blaming him for raising the Western Army in the first place (Mitsunari was not the only leader, or even, arguably, the most prominent).

    A contemporary map of Sawayama Castle.

    In fact, historians disagree on the extent of Mitsunari’s role in raising an army against Ieyasu. The long-held view was that he was the primary ringleader, but most of the sources that speak of this are from the later Edo Period, when there was a political interest in shifting the blame onto the by then dead (spoilers) Mitsunari, and away from other clans, who may have played a larger role, but who were too powerful to blame directly.

    Mitsunari managed to flee as far as the village of Furuhashi in Omi Province (modern-day Shiga Province) before Ieyasu’s forces caught up with him. Taken under guard to an audience with Ieyasu at Otsu Castle, Mitsunari was then paraded through Osaka and presented as a common criminal before being beheaded at the Rokujogawara execution grounds in Kyoto.

    A later depiction of the Battle of Sekigahara.

    With Mitsunari gone, Ieyasu then turned his attention to consolidating his control of the realm, but we’ll cover that next time.

    Sources
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  • The Road to Sekigahara

    The Road to Sekigahara

    Before his death in 1598, Toyotomi Hideyoshi had established a Council of Five Elders to rule Japan until his son, Hideyori, came of age. Of the five, the two most influential were Tokugawa Ieyasu and Maeda Toshiie, and almost before Hideyoshi’s body was cool, the two men set about trying to undermine and outmanoeuvre each other.

    The ultimate victor would be Ieyasu, largely because Toshiie died in the Spring of 1599 and was replaced by his son, Toshinaga, who lacked his father’s political connections and ability. Later that year, a plot to assassinate Ieyasu was uncovered, and Toshinaga was implicated. Forced to flee to his home province of Kaga, he only avoided direct conflict with Ieyasu by sending his mother as a hostage.

    Maeda Toshinaga. Like many before him, he would prove unable to live up to an illustrious father’s reputation.

    The revelation of his plot allowed Ieyasu to neutralise the threat of Toshinaga in the short term, but it wouldn’t last. Hideyoshi’s death had had exactly the destabilising effect he had feared, and throughout 1598-1600, old rivalries, feuds, and ambitions resurfaced. Historians disagree on what exactly led to a fresh outbreak of conflict, but there are a few theories.

    Some speculate that, without Hideyoshi’s strong hand, his attempts to centralise power in the realm were doomed to failure, as powerful local clans, who had been largely independent for decades (or more), saw little reason to kowtow to a government now headed by an infant. Others suggest that the invasion of Korea, whilst possibly intended to keep the Samurai busy, had actually stirred up old rivalries and forged a few new ones as the prideful warrior class competed for prestige amongst themselves at the expense of a cohesive campaign.

    Despite their reputation for honour and duty, the Samurai primarily followed strength. When Hideyoshi died, the lack of strong central authority meant that it wasn’t long before local clans slipped back into old habits.

    There are others who don’t necessarily disagree with either view, but argue that the unpopularity of Ishida Mitsunari was a key factor in the breakdown of relations between the men at the centre of the post-Hideyoshi political scene. He was not a powerful lord in his own right, and his reputation for military incompetence and political scheming weakened his ability to hold the administration of the realm together during Hideyori’s minority.

    Though it could be argued that Mitsunari’s failings were overemphasised in later (pro-Tokugawa) sources, it is clear that Ieyasu himself had ambitions to increase his own power and perhaps to claim ultimate authority. He frequently violated Hideyoshi’s laws and even his will, doing things like forming marriage alliances with other powerful lords, and eventually residing at Osaka Castle, even though Hideyoshi’s testament had stipulated that he remain at nearby (and weaker) Fushimi Castle.

    A later depiction of Ieyasu. Though he started out as something of a first among equals, by early 1600, it was clear he was aiming for ultimate power.

    Ieyasu was the strongest individual member of the Council of Elders, but he lacked the strength to oppose the other four if they combined against him, so he set about ensuring that that wouldn’t happen. After dealing with Maeda Toshinaga in the aftermath of the alleged assassination plot, he intervened directly in a conflict between another elder, Ukita Hideie, and his vassals.

    The result of the so-called “Ukita Incident” was that many of these vassals left Hideie’s service, seriously weakening his power and, conversely, his ability to oppose Ieyasu. Indeed, by early 1600, it was beginning to appear that Ieyasu might claim supreme power without resorting to violence. He had largely co-opted the former Hideyoshi administration, and even Mitsunari, who had previously opposed Ieyasu, seemed to be coming around.

    Ukita Hideie. One of the Five Elders, Ieyasu’s machinations left him in a severely weakened position.

    In the Spring of 1600, Ieyasu felt strong enough to send envoys to another Elder, Uesugi Kagekatsu, to demand an explanation for the construction of an (illegal) castle in his domain, as well as for rumours of collusion between him and Maeda Toshinaga. Kagekatsu agreed to go to Kyoto, but asked that the trip be postponed until the Autumn, a request that was refused.

    Scholars generally agree that Ieyasu had already decided on a military campaign against the Uesugi, and he had sent the demand, knowing full well that Kagekatsu would refuse, thus giving him the pretext he needed. There are also some sources that suggest that Kagekatsu himself was behind a plot to lure Ieyasu into the difficult terrain of Northern Japan, and there ambush and destroy him.

    Uesugi Kagekatsu. Sources disagree over whether he was a passive victim of Ieyasu’s ambition or a cunning strategist plotting to trap and destroy him.

    Regardless of who ultimately provoked the campaign, Ieyasu left Osaka in mid-June, heading first to his base at Edo, from where he issued orders to his vassals and supporters to prepare for an attack against the Uesugi. It is perhaps a testament to how ephemeral his power was that, no sooner had Ieyasu left Osaka than members of the government, including Ishida Mitsunari, rose up against him and sent a letter to Mori Terumoto inviting him to come to Osaka to “settle affairs.”

    Shortly after this, copies of a letter denouncing Ieyasu as a traitor to Hideyori’s government were circulated, and Terumoto was nominated as Commander of what would eventually become known as the “Western Army”, the collective forces gathered in opposition to Ieyasu’s “Eastern Army”. The first blow would fall on Fushimi Castle, still held by Ieyasu’s vassals, when it came under attack in August 1600.

    Mori Terumoto. In terms of resources, Terumoto was second only to Ieyasu, which made him the obvious choice to lead the coalition army.

    Though some sources suggest that the forces led by the Shimazu and Kobayakawa Clans actually intended to enter Fushimi to fight on Ieyasu’s behalf, they were refused by the garrison and thus ‘forced’ to attack the castle instead. However, the only contemporary source for this is the Shimazu’s own records, and it is generally dismissed as an attempt by the Shimazu to excuse their opposition to Ieyasu after the fact.

    Fushimi was garrisoned by around 1800 men, and when the Western Army’s force of some 40,000 arrived, the result was a foregone conclusion. The garrison held out bravely, and there are many stories of heroism, but the odds were simply too great, and Fushimi fell after a siege of around two weeks, with most of the garrison being put to the sword.

    The reconstructed Fushimi Castle as it appears today. Though the original castle fell, the delay would prove decisive.

    Despite the defeat, the sacrifice of the garrison at Fushimi would not be in vain; 40,000 troops had been tied down for nearly two weeks, and this gave Ieyasu time and relative strategic freedom to gather his allies and position his forces, and it was time that had been well spent. At the beginning of September 1600, Ieyasu departed his capital of Edo and marched towards the most important battle of his life, and one of the most decisive in Japanese history.

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